From a public policy standpoint, I could make a very strong case, as did Milton Friedman and William F. Buckley, that our decades-long war on drugs has been a failure.

No different than our previous government prohibitions, major criminal enterprises are the big winners. In essence, our government drives up illegal drug values by interfering with the market in the name of protecting people from their own choices. The benefactors are often the largest cartels who benefit from the lack of competition that results from our actions. Prohibitions on legal alcohol sales, for example, did not reduce the supply of alcohol. It was just as readily available in times of prohibition.

The difference was that bootleggers and speakeasies, essentially criminal entrepreneurs, did the supplying and U.S. consumers were made into criminals by seeking a drink. The same economic law applies to drugs.

I am not, however, trying to make the case for the legalization of recreational marijuana. Instead, I am using the prohibition example to demonstrate the absurdity of opposing the legalization of medical marijuana.

The gubernatorial debate on Tuesday night revealed the unanimous policy viewpoints of the three Republican candidates. To my surprise, each candidate clearly opposed the legalization of medical marijuana. They did so for various reasons, none of which I thought were compelling. For candidates who should be in favor of limited government, liberty, and personal responsibility, the responses were perplexing.

One opposing argument was essentially that Mississippi has no right to make legal the use of medical marijuana and must defer to the federal government on the classification of drugs. In fact, the federal government has no legal authority to prevent states from changing their laws to remove state-level penalties for medical marijuana use and we have at least 34 examples of this.

There was, of course, the claim that using medical marijuana will be a “gateway” to other drugs. Medical marijuana is not the same as recreational marijuana and trying to conflate the two is an insult to the citizens of Mississippi and comes at the expense of patients who should be free to choose a legal option to opiate-based painkillers, with the guidance of their doctor.

Rather than trying to turn this issue into a “law and order” one and attempting to convince us that patients suffering from debilitating illnesses and the doctors caring for them are either criminals or fledgling addicts, our politicians should focus on removing this unnecessary barrier and letting people make choices about their own health care.

The gubernatorial responses also indicated a lack of knowledge about how their fellow Americans and Mississippians feel about the issue. Recent polling demonstrates that citizens are ahead of politicians and legislators across the county on this issue, with anywhere from as low as 65% to as high as 94% of Americans supporting the legalization of medical marijuana. In Mississippi, 77% of voters support it, including 75% of Republicans. It spans all ages, races, and party affiliations. It even includes 69% of frequent churchgoers. 

A vast majority of Americans recognize the legitimate medical benefits of marijuana, as well as a large number of medical organizations. It is less harmful and poses fewer negative side effects than most prescription drugs – especially opiate-based painkillers – and patients often find it to be a more effective treatment.

Licensed medical doctors, already heavily regulated by the state, should be allowed to prescribe solutions to deal with debilitating medical conditions, no matter the derivative of such solutions. If marijuana can provide relief to those suffering from terrible illnesses like cancer and HIV/AIDS, it is unconscionable to prevent it, much less to criminalize patients for using it. People who would benefit from medical marijuana should have right to use it legally. As I outlined in the opening paragraph, legal prohibitions on commonly accepted behavior has never produced positive results. It is simply bad public policy.

Government is already regulating the health care industry at an unprecedented level. The federal government has grown into an unwieldy and unresponsive beast – increasing its paternalism over us all.

I believe Mississippi should join the other states who value federalism and respect the rights of patients and licensed doctors to decide what is best. Based on the progress thus far, I think it is highly likely the 2020 referendum on medical marijuana will pass.

For liberty-minded conservatives, this is an easy decision. It should have been the same for the gubernatorial candidates.

At Tuesday’s Republican gubernatorial debate, all three Republican candidates for the top office in the state said they oppose the medical marijuana initiative that is ongoing and may be in front of voters in a little over a year. 

For various reasons ranging from federal prohibitions to the belief that this is a gateway, Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves, former Supreme Court Justice Bill Waller, Jr., and state Rep. Robert Foster all agreed they were opposed to the initiative.

Waller referenced his time on the court saying, “The last thing we need is another substance that could provide issues.” 

He added, “Even in medical use, reports show an increased aggressiveness with the use of it as a gate to other drugs. I am not interested in introducing another drug unless it can be shown there is a void that couldn’t be filled in any other way.” 

Reeves is also a no. 

“The reason I am is because I have three daughters and see this as a potential gateway drug,” Reeves remarked. “In many areas of our society, drugs are killing people, drugs are ruining people’s lives. They lead to a life of criminal activity. I will personally vote no.” 

Foster said he couldn’t support it at this time “because it has not been unscheduled by the federal government.” 

While that is true, the U.S. Congress passed a law five years ago that prohibits federal agents from raiding medical marijuana growers in states where medical marijuana is legal, effectively allowing states to legalize medical marijuana as they have done since 1996. 

“I don’t want what they have in California and Colorado where they have pot shops on every street corner. If the federal government were to allow it to be sold through pharmacies after a doctor has written a prescription for certain things, then that would be a totally different scenario.”

Medical marijuana is now legal in 33 states and Washington, D.C. And much of the movement has been in the past decade. Just eight states legalized medical marijuana by 2000. But 21 states have acted since 2010. The most recent states to legalize medical marijuana were Missouri, Oklahoma, and Utah, each doing so last fall. 

To make Mississippi the 34th state, proponents of a ballot initiative, Medical Marijuana 2020, are hoping to collect enough signatures to have the question on the ballot in November, 2020.

The petition faces a September 6 deadline to submit 86,000 signatures to the Secretary of State. Jamie Grantham, a spokesman for the campaign, said they have collected more than two-thirds of the necessary signatures.  

In last night’s Republican gubernatorial debate, both state Rep. Robert Foster (R-Hernando) and former state Supreme Court Justice Bill Waller Jr. advocated increasing starting teacher pay in Mississippi to $40,000.

Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves countered that such an increase would cost $275 million annually. Using the same calculations used by the Mississippi Department of Education, the raise would add up to $210 million annually, still a large sum, according to an examination of figures by the Mississippi Center for Public Policy.

That’s an annual general fund appropriation that nearly equals or surpasses many outlays in the fiscal 2020 budget. These include:

• Department of Mental Health — $213,668,778.
• Total fiscal affairs — $142,994,685.
• Judiciary and Justice — $103,055,629.
• Military, police and veterans affairs (includes the state Department of Public Safety) — $114,441,495.
• Total for agriculture and economic development — $111,441,416.

According to the MDE, the starting salary for the lowest certification level for a teacher was $34,390 and that will increase to $35,890 in the upcoming school year with the $1,500 increase passed this session by the legislature. This increase will cost taxpayers $76.9 million per year.

Since 2007, the average teacher salary in Mississippi has increased from $40,182 in 2007 to $44,926 in 2018, an 11.8 percent increase. The starting salary has grown from $30,900 in 2014 to $35,980 for this upcoming school year, an increase of 16.4 percent.

Both Waller and Foster said they wanted the state to meet or exceed the “southeastern average” and agreed that $40,000 would be a good starting salary. The average of the southeastern states is $36,688 and Mississippi is about $800 below that number.

Increasing teacher salaries above the $4,110 to get to a starting $40,000 wage would be even more costly. A $4,500 pay hike from last year’s starting salary would cost more than $230 million annually, while a $5,000 raise would add up to more than $256 million.

To arrive at the $76.9 million amount to cover the $1,500 pay raise, the MDE first multiplied the number of teachers by the amount of the raise. This product was multiplied by 25.05 percent to account for fringe benefits and added back to the original product for the appropriation total. 

The original number was incorrect because the MDE’s antiquated computer system only accounted for 31,157 teaching positions and this was later corrected to 40,991 positions after a review of data by the agency.

Since 2000, Mississippi teachers have received three salary hikes from the legislature. The first was a $337 million phased in over six years. In 2014, a two year, $100 million pay hike gave teachers $1,500 in the first year and $1,000 in the second.

Teachers in the state receive annual raises after their first three years on the job and also receive pay hikes for earning higher certifications. A teacher in the lowest certification level starts at $34,390, increasing to $39,108 for the highest certification level. 

A teacher with 20 years of experience will earn $43,300, while the highest classification nets $53,400.

The new starting salary given in the original story was incorrect. We regret the error.

Mississippi’s $1,500 teacher pay increase will cost $18.5 million more than the legislature originally budgeted, according to a news release from the Mississippi Department of Education.

The legislature appropriated $58,442,743 based on calculations submitted by the MDE. Those original calculations said there were 31,157 teaching positions. The actual number was 40,991 and the raise will cost taxpayers $76.9 million annually.

State Rep. Richard Bennett (R-Long Beach) chairs the House Education Committee. He said in a news release that the House leadership is supportive of funding the deficit and ensuring the districts won’t be required to absorb any costs associated with the pay hike.

The legislature can act with a deficit appropriation to cover the $18.5 million when it returns to session in January.

The MDE says it conducted an additional review of the number of state-funded teaching positions and that there were additional positions eligible for the increase that weren’t in the Mississippi Student Information System as ones funded by the Mississippi Adequate Education Program, the funding formula that determines how state funds are distributed to the school districts.

The problem lies in the MSIS system, which has issues with its interoperability with district systems for data. The issues forced MDE to recount the number of raise-eligible teaching positions by hand.

The legislature appropriated $500,000 as part of MDE’s outlay to start the process on upgrading it.

The expanded list of teaching positions in addition to classroom teachers, counselors, teacher assistants and librarians includes specialized positions such as dyslexia therapists, audiologists and psychologists.

This is the third teacher pay hike provided statewide since 2000. Individual districts are free to provide pay increases in addition to what the state provides.

The first of the most recent pay raises was passed by the legislature in 2000, a $337 million plan that was phased in over six years. 

In 2014, the legislature passed a two-year plan that increased teacher pay $1,500 in the first year and $1,000 in the second year, costing taxpayers an additional $100 million.

Teachers in Mississippi receive annual raises after their first three years on the job and also receive pay hikes for earning higher certifications. A teacher in the lowest certification level starts at $34,390, increasing to $39,108 for the highest certification level. 

A teacher with 20 years of experience will earn $43,300, while the highest classification nets $53,400.

Mississippi has seen a drop in government jobs over the past two months and the government workforce in the state is now smaller than it was one year ago.

In June 2018, Mississippi had 241,200 government employees according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and that number had increased to 242,100 this past April. But after declines the past two months, preliminary numbers show Mississippi has 240,400 government employees as of June 2019. This includes federal, state, and local government employees. 

Government jobs in Mississippi, June 2018 through June 2019

At the same time of the loss in government jobs, the private sector has grown. Employment rolls grew by 2,500 in May and another 2,000 in June. Mississippi employers have added 14,000 jobs over the past year. Payrolls in Mississippi now sit at 1,168,100. 

When looking just at the state workforce, this continues a trend over the past 15 years even though numbers may fluctuate month-over-month.

According to a 2018 report from the Office of the State Auditor, the number of state government employees has decreased by more than 5,200 dating back to 2004, largely through attrition and voluntary separations. The bulk of the reduction, about 4,500 employees, occurred in the past seven years.

Even with the declines, approximately 56 percent of Mississippi’s economy is controlled by the public sector, putting its reliance on government fourth worse in the nation. To continue to generate sustainable, long-term growth, we need to continue to grow the private sector through lower taxes and a lighter regulatory burden.  

As the battle over abortion continues to wage across the country, clinics have found themselves in the spotlight for the little interest they seem to show in health of women they claim to serve.

Often, abortion clinics are heralded as champions of women’s rights – safe-havens that provide reproductive healthcare services, protect essential rights of privacy, empower the right to choose, and empower the idea of autonomy over a woman’s own body. 

Is this really the whole truth? What might be unearthed if this newfound spotlight was taken advantage of and used to explore further into the practices and agenda of the abortion industry, heralded as an emblem of feminism? 

Recently, a pro-life organization, Americans United for Life, or AUL, released information containing lists of all the violations brought forth by the respective state departments of health against abortion clinics in each state. This compilation offers intriguing insight and astonishing validation to abortion clinic horror stories.

There are six states with only one abortion clinic remaining in operation; Mississippi is one of these. The pink building on North State Street is the last standing abortion facility in Mississippi. It is called Jackson Women’s Health Organization, or just JWHO, and is cited in the report released by AUL with numerous violations. 

Examples of the violations, in Mississippi and those that occurred in other states, are: 

• Quality assurance programs were not properly implemented.
• Autoclave and sterilization procedures were not followed.
• Facilities were generally “unclean,” including some where there was evidence of bloody drainage and fluids on exam tables.
• Dried blood and/or rust was found on equipment.
• Instruments labeled as “sterilized” displayed dried blood and/or rust.
• Reusable equipment and instruments were not cleaned and sterilized.
• Contaminated syringe containers were stored incorrectly.
• The bodily remains of aborted children were stored in the same refrigerators as medications and/or food.
• Staff members in some facilities were unable to locate sterile suturing supplies and equipment.
• In a Chicago abortion business, a recovery room technician was observed retrieving a paper towel from the garbage and using the same paper towel to cover a tray that would later serve food to patients.
• Patients were further exposed to unsanitary conditions by improper water temperatures for laundry. 

JWHO was cited by the Mississippi Department of Health in a statement of deficiencies and a plan of correction, with a, “failure to ensure a safe and sanitary environment.”

As stated in AUL’s report, “patients were further exposed to unsanitary conditions by improper water temperatures for laundry, sterilizers not being cleaned monthly, single-use vials being used multiple times and on different patients, vaginal probes not being disinfected between uses, and infectious waste not being stored or disposed of properly.” 

JWHO was cited with a “failure to ensure that staff are properly trained for their duties.” Examples of this violation are: 

• Medical staff did not have the necessary credentials.
• Failure to ensure that medical staff-maintained certifications.
• Failure to document staff qualifications.
• Failure to perform background checks.
• Failure to collect information from the National Practitioners Data Bank on prospective employees.
• Failure to conduct orientation programs for new employees.
• Failure to conduct annual training.

This particular issue is further perpetuated by, “itinerant providers” or, “fly-ins.” These are doctors that fly hundreds of miles away from their homes to abortion facilities. This reality raises the question: what profit motive is there to cause a doctor to trek hundreds of miles away from his home to perform an abortion?

As an example: Willie Parker, a doctor who has been known to provide abortions in Mississippi, lives in Chicago, 750 miles away from his abortion patients. As a result, abortion doctors often do not have local hospital admittance privileges. 

Willie Parker is an abortion provider, public figure, and a self-proclaimed women’s rights advocate. As stated in his official website, “his work includes a focus on violence against women, sexual assault prevention, and reproductive health rights through advocacy…” Interestingly, Willie Parker has recently been accused of sexual assault. The irony and the hypocrisy of the abortion industry only continues. 

Improper standard of patient care is an issue that is further perpetuated by another citation highlighted in AUL’s report. JWHO was found to have, “unlicensed, unqualified, and untrained staff providing patient care.”

As stated by AUL’s report, “The abortion facility failed to ensure that required medical professionals were present during abortion procedures and when patients were in the facility or could not provide proof of required professional licenses, training, or qualifications.” 

The reality that JWHO is little concerned with safety and patient care is only reinforced by the remaining violations detailed in AUL’s report. The last remaining abortion clinic in Mississippi has also been cited with the following violations: 

• “Failure to adopt, follow, and / or periodically review health and safety protocols.” This violation includes a failure to review the proper protocol required to administer abortion-inducing drugs.  
• “Failure to purchase and maintain required equipment.”
• “Failure to properly handle medications.” This citation includes failing to properly document the use of controlled substances and narcotics in patient records. 
• “Failure to comply with physical plant standards.” This violation includes a failure to provide personal privacy for women during patient evaluations and counseling sessions. 

JWHO is also a repeat offender. 

• In 2009 and 2011 – JWHO was cited with a, “failure to meet standards for emergency power.” 
• In 2009 and 2010 – JWHO was cited with a, “failure to meet standards of sanitation.” 
• In 2009 and 2011 – JWHO was cited with a, “failure to meet clinic personnel standards.” 
• In 2009, 2010, and 2011 – JWHO was cited with a, “failure to meet standards for structural soundness.” 
• In 2009 and 2011 – JWHO was cited with a, “failure to adopt or follow health and safety protocols.” 

Repeat offenders are prevalent in 11 states. Mississippi, with only one abortion clinic left standing, is one of the 11 states. This indicates incredible negligence. Unfortunately, this negligence is not isolated to JWHO. 

The owner of JWHO, Diane Derzis, owns two additional abortion facilities, in Richmond, Virginia and Columbus, Georgia. The Virginia abortion clinic, Capitol Women’s Health Clinic, is cited with four of the same violations as JWHO. These violations are: 

• Failure to ensure a safe and sanitary environment.
• Failure to ensure staff are properly trained for duties.
• Failure to purchase and maintain required equipment. 
• Failure to comply with physical plant standards. 

Derzis previously owned an abortion facility in Birmingham, Alabama that was closed in 2012 by the state health department due to numerous health code violations. 

This negligence is not simply isolated to the few abortion clinics that Diane Derzis owns, however. It is a trend, an epidemic of abortion clinic malpractice that pervades every state in the nation. This ugly reality is made abundantly clear by AUL’s report.

While abortion facilities, such as JWHO, are regulated by the state, pro-life pregnancy resource centers, such as The Center for Pregnancy Choices, or CPC, located in the Jackson metro area, are not regulated by the state – but rather, self-regulated. It is an interesting contrast. 

On one hand, JWHO and seemingly countless other abortion facilities, have proven a lack of adherence to legallymandated standards of safety, health, and overall patient care. Abortion facilities have fallen short and failed these regulations repeatedly. 

On the other hand, many pregnancy resource centers across the nation, including the CPC, are HIPPA and OSHA compliant by self-mandate. In addition, the CPC adheres to strict codes of confidentiality and professionalism by free association with national networks such as: Care Net, Heartbeat International, and The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates. Most pregnancy resource centers belong to at least one of these organizations; and each organization has a set of terms concerning care and competence that must be agreed to in order to secure membership. The CPC is also overseen by an OB/GYN with local hospital admittance privileges and staffed with registered nurses who are both well qualified and properly certified. 

In the past, federal judges have blocked abortion bans and kept abortion clinic doors open. One might ask, are state regulations actually beneficial if abortion clinics fail to meet these standards and are aided in this negligence by court rulings? If left to the free market, rather than court rulings, would JWHO still be open? Even more, are abortion facilities helping or harming women? 

In recent news, Missouri may become the first abortion free state after the state Department of Health has refused to renew a St. Louis Planned Parenthood’s license. The state Department of Health has declared this abortion facility unfit to be licensed yet, pro-choice activists are labeling this loss tragic, bemoaning the this incredible afront to their rights, and screaming that the legislature must remove themselves from their uteruses.

It almost seems as if pro-choice activists are blind to the discrepancy posed between the abortion industry’s claims of championing women’s rights and their apparent inability to meet minimal standards of safety, health, and overall patient care. It is simply impossible to uphold women’s rights and simultaneously treat women who are seeking help with blatant negligence. Why isn’t this fundamental truth more obvious? 

Mississippi is viewed as ground zero in the nation’s battle over abortion. There is no other state in which this discrepancy is more apparent. In the 2016 documentary, Jackson, Diane Derzis was quoted saying, “This [tragic story] is a direct result of the Mississippi legislature trying so desperately to outlaw abortion while ignoring the health of pregnant women.”

One might pose the question to Derzis, does the problem fall upon Mississippi legislature, or does it fall upon you and abortion facility owners like you? 

What if the issue is really that abortion facilities are praised for manipulating women into their doors, with empty empowerment about autonomy and choice, and harming them for the sake of monetary gain? In 2017 there were 2,594 abortion procedures performed at JWHO. On JWHO’s website, it states that abortion procedure fees range from $600-$800. Therefore, a conservative estimate would calculate that JWHO earns over $1.5million a year.

In contrast, the CPC is a nonprofit organization that offers free services and strives to offer true empowerment and education concerning all the lifegiving choices a woman really has. If pro-choice activists believe so vehemently in choice, why have they created a society that so often views abortion as the only choice? 

In light of this invaluable information, we can arm ourselves with the truth and question widespread information that is presented as irrefutable truth. We can arm ourselves with the truth that pregnancy resource centers, like the CPC, are dedicated to walking alongside women from the first pregnancy test to long after birth, offering free services, counseling, and physical support.

Pregnancy resource centers, across the country, are the true safe havens for women – helping women who feel as if abortion is their only option, instead of harming them. 

We can arm ourselves with the truth that abortion facilities, like JWHO, operate under a pretense of empowerment, feminism, and healthcare; but, in reality, fail to meet even minimal standards of safety, health, and overall patient care.

The abortion industry is nothing but a poorly disguised agenda of monetary gain and manipulation – an industry that harms women who feel as if abortion is their only option, instead of helping them. 

The city of Moss Point is in turmoil, as first-term Mayor Mario King is facing two lawsuits that allege widespread misconduct, abuse, financial mismanagement plus racial and age discrimination. 

The most recent one was filed on July 1 by 11 Moss Point residents — most of whom were former city employees — that paints a picture of a dictatorial mayor who created a hostile work environment for older employees he deemed expendable and utilized city property for non-official purposes.

The most salacious allegation is that King used the fire station as a place for an illicit rendezvous with a woman that the lawsuit alleges was not his wife. Despite having a no-weapon policy in city hall for employees, the lawsuit says that King still carried his firearm in the building and brandished it in an attempt to intimidate an employee.

On September 12, 2017, the lawsuit says that the mayor emailed city workers a statement that said “If you are in a place where you are no longer able to perform, you are getting angry, taking medication because of work, developed high blood pressure, or your job is a burden to you, it is time to make a tough decision.” 

The lawsuit makes repeated references to the mayor demoting or harassing employees age 40 or older, especially white employees.

 King is also described by the lawsuit as:

• Requiring city employees to work on private events while being paid by taxpayers.
• Using city employees and interns as personal drivers.
• Using city vehicles for personal use.
• Taxpayer-funded trips for personal gain.
• Expansion of contracts and city projects based on benefits received from private companies.
• Misuse of grants that have resulted in the suspension and revocation of the grants.

On Tuesday in response to the lawsuit, Alderman Sherwood Bradford proposed a new administrative policy that included cutting Mayor King’s pay by 15 percent, according to a story by WLOX.

The administrative policies proposed by Bradford include:

• Banning the mayor or any other city employees, except for the police department, from carrying weapons in city hall.
• No media releases concerning city business without board approval.
• Any travel in city vehicles 50 miles outside city limits or more would require board approval.
• City vehicles would have to be parked in the city lot by 5 p.m. each working day unless being used for official business.
• Any travel in city vehicles on the weekend except for public works, police and fire departments would require board approval.
• Summer interns are not allowed to drive city vehicles without board approval.
• City employees are forbidden from transporting anyone to the airport.

In January, Alderman Ennit Morris filed a $500,000 lawsuit against King, claiming that the mayor assaulted and threatened him during an executive session at a board meeting in December 2018. The lawsuit claims that King ordered a police officer to remove him from the meeting.