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Unplanned, released in a limited number of theaters across the nation in March, tells the story of Abby Johnson’s conversion from a Planned Parenthood Clinic Director to a pro-life activist.

The movie came in 4th place in box office sales over opening weekend, doubling expected ticket sales, and earning over $6 million three days after its release. This unexpected success is accompanied by controversy and apparent censorship of an impactful Christian and pro-life story.

This is exactly why we should be paying attention.

Since its release, the movie has dealt with extensive censorship issues on social media. Twitter briefly suspended the movie’s account. Though it was restored, due to public outcry, this act of censorship leaves us with questions. Was it an executive decision, made by Twitter? Was it caused by a reaction from complaints by pro-choice users? Twitter claims that they suspended the account because it was linked to an account that violated the website’s rules. Is this vague claim true? The movie’s account also suffered a quick and drastic decrease in followers, which is also entirely unexplained.

It appears as if discussion and promotion of the movie is being intentionally suppressed by mainstream media. Furthermore, it appears as if the nature of this censorship is political.

Similarly, the R rating, given by the Motion Picture Association of America, was also politically controversial. Unplanned was likely the first Christian movie, produced by Pure Flix, to receive an R rating. It did not contain nudity, sexuality, or foul language. Did the movie deserve the rating that it received, or could it have been another attempt at censorship of conservative Christian voices by mainstream media?

Candidly, the movie graphically detailed surgical abortions, a chemical abortion, and the aftermath of a botched abortion. These scenes portrayed the ugly reality and the haunting violence of abortion. The R rating could serve as warning for parents who may not want their children to witness such images, or post-abortive women who may be disturbed by such images.

However, it is reasonable to ask why a 13-year-old girl is legally permitted to obtain an abortion without parental consent (depending on the state) but not permitted to watch a movie about abortion? Deserving or not, the R rating successfully reduced the number of teenagers that a pro-life message could reach. It also prevented advertisement of the film on most major cable networks.

The various censorship efforts by mainstream media demonstrate why we need to pay attention to discussion surrounding the movie and why we need to watch the film for ourselves.

Unplanned changes the stigmas and the generalizations typically attached to Christian-made movies. Often, Christian films, even high grossing movies such as Gods not Dead, written by the same screenwriters as Unplanned, are painfully predictable, naïve, and one-sided. Christian-made movies often tend to self-righteously “candy-coat” issues and remain blissfully ignorant to ugly realities – as if they are scared to touch anything that may actually represent the gospel of a savior that ate with tax collectors or prostitutes. It is as if they are afraid to acknowledge our call to live in the world.

Unplanned changes these stigmas in a remarkable manner. The power of storytelling is immeasurable. Telling a story truthfully is an act of bravery. Abby Johnson tells her story without reservation and it is a difficult story to hear. It is not a story that is blind to ugly realities. The abortion scenes are heart-wrenching and she highlights well the paralyzing hopelessness that women experience when facing a crisis pregnancy.

It is not a one-sided story. Viewers of the film will witness difficult truths, such as the fact that women who work for abortion clinics are rarely ill-intentioned. They truly believe that they are serving and helping other women.. They are not malicious adherents to the manipulative nature of the Planned Parenthood corporation and they do not revel in the death of an unborn baby. I believe they are simply misguided, as Abby Johnson tells us that she was for many years. Likewise, pro-lifers do not always practice love, nor do they always truly want to help women in crisis. Instead, they scream slurs and label women “baby-murders.” They hold up signs of aborted fetuses and utilize scare tactics. Like most things in life, there is more gray than black and white.

This point was made clearly in the distinction made between 40 Days for Life, a non-profit organization dedicated to quietly praying outside of abortion clinics and offering women the hope of another option, and the people dressed as grim reapers who harassed women as they walked into the clinic. The film does not naively believe that the divide between the pro-life vs. pro-choice debate is consistently black and white.

Another case often brought against Christian-themed films is their tendency to preach to the choir. Ideally, Unplanned will open thousands of eyes and reach just as many hearts. Ideally, it will create dynamic and edifying conversations between the two sides of the pro-life vs. pro-choice fence. I believe that it has the potential to accomplish all of this and more – especially because of its timely release. The current political atmosphere surrounding the issue of abortion is volatile. Heartbeat bills are being passed in numerous states, as well as born alive acts and late-term abortion laws.

Yet, what if the film only reaches conservative Christians? Is it then a waste of money? Would it then be a waste of a powerful story, told bravely? This is not the case. In my experience, conservative Christians may know what abortion is, the basic definition of terminating a pregnancy, and they may vote for politicians who uphold the sanctity of life, but they may not know what abortion means.

Most conservatives have not have witnessed the violence of abortion. They may not know that abortion is a violation of women’s rights. They may not know how difficult abortion is, both physically and emotionally. Conservatives may not understand the cold and manipulative nature of the abortion industry. They may not have heard the heartbeat of an unborn child. Conservatives may not have faced  the reality of an unplanned pregnancy. They may not know that fetal parts are removed from abortion clinics in industrial-sized, blue barrels. Conservatives may not have witnessed a mother mourning a child she has never even met. There are so many people who do not know what abortion means. Just because abortion is a controversial and contentious issue does not indicate that the majority of people are well-informed, including conservative Christians.

Go and watch Unplanned. Go and appreciate the power of storytelling and the honesty of one Christian film. Go and learn what abortion really means. Go and support liberties such as freedom of speech and freedom of religion.

House Speaker Philip Gunn said Monday that the best accomplishments of the legislature this session included criminal justice reform, rural broadband, and human trafficking legislation.

He also doesn’t favor expanding Medicaid and also mentioned that the next legislature will have a tough task ahead when it redraws the state’s legislative districts after the 2020 U.S. Census.

Gunn made the remarks at the Stennis Capitol Press Forum about the session, which ended March 29.

Louisiana and Arkansas have expanded Medicaid for able-bodied adults under the Affordable Care Act, but Gunn said that such a decision should be left to the next legislature.

“I think under the current leadership, you’re not going to see any appetite for that,” Gunn said. “The big concern is the unknown. Once you give a benefit, you can’t take it back. The federal government can tomorrow, they withdraw their support and they can change the rules. More than that, I don’t think there is any appetite for that in the state.

“Until the taxpayers rise up and say we want this, there is not going to be an appetite for this.”

One example that wasn’t cited by Gunn was Louisiana. The Pelican State expanded Medicaid in 2016 under Gov. John Bel Edwards, a Democrat. Projections by Edwards’ administration said that 306,000 new people would enroll.

This year, those numbers have climbed to 505,503, an increase of 65.2 percent.

Gunn said he was pleased that the legislature was able to pass another criminal justice reform package. The new law passed this year has several important components, including allowing the expungement of non-violent felonies, expanding the definition of intervention courts, screening for mental health for offenders to keep them out of the criminal justice system, and ending the practice of suspending driver’s licenses for the non-payment of fines or non-appearance in court.

Gunn said that the broadband bill, which allows rural electric power associations, also known as co-ops, to offer this service to customers was designed to not favor either the EPAs or established service providers such as Comcast, CSpire, and AT&T.

He said one other debate was whether to allow the EPAs, which are non-profits with tax advantages, to be able to compete against established providers with no tax advantages in profitable service areas, such as suburbs. The law requires EPAs to only be able to provide broadband service within their certificated area.

He cited the pole attachment fee — which a broadband provider or telephone company pays to a utility to attach their lines to their power poles — as one way the law didn’t favor one side or the other. In the new law, EPAs are required to charge the same pole attachment fee for either their broadband affiliate or an outside operator.

Gunn said the human trafficking legislation was designed to run the practice out of the state and he said the next step is to help victims get back on the right path.

The new law, which was signed by Gov. Phil Bryant, increases the definition for prostitution to age 18 and adds training for EMTs, firefighters, and others. He said this change to the prostitution law is to ensure that those ensnared in a ring can seek help from law enforcement without worrying about prosecution.

Thanks to an increased tax revenue forecasts, the Mississippi legislature will be spending more taxpayer money going into an election year.

The state’s budget adds up to $6.3 billion, a 3.83 percent increase over last year’s $6.1 billion budget.

The fiscal 2020 budget goes into effect on July 1 and will include a 3 percent pay increase for state workers, a $1,500 pay hike for teachers and increased employer contributions to the state’s defined benefit pension fund.

Mississippi’s budget process is unusual in that there is no single budget document, but a series of appropriation bills for each state agency, board and commission. The Magnolia State is one of 30 states that use an annual budget cycle.

The general fund isn’t the only funding mechanism for appropriations, as some agencies have what are known as special funds, which are funded with fees generated from licenses and other income. Federal money, such as for Medicare, isn’t part of the calculations either.

These agencies will have increased funds in fiscal 2020:

Not every appropriation increased in the budget. Taxpayers will spend $385,241,392 next fiscal year to help retire the state’s more than $4.4 billion in debt, which is the same amount as last year.

Here are some that were actually cut when compared to outlays from last year’s budget:

The state’s budget doesn’t include the more than $371 million in borrowing for various projects that included $45 million for Huntington Ingalls Shipyard in Pascagoula, special states funds that are outside the general fund or federal funds.

In fiscal 2019, the budget with all general, special and federal funds included added up to $20,855.445.148, meaning the state remains the most dependent (42 percent of the budget) on federal funds.

Editor’s note: The Office of State Aid Road Construction receives its entire budget from special funds and not the general fund and its fiscal 2020 budget increased by only $103,555 over last year’s appropriation. A previous version listed a higher amount and we regret the error.

Low unemployment rates, high labor force participation rates, positive employment and labor force changes, and increasing wages define the strong small metro areas in this country.

There are a total of 324 metro areas with less than 1 million people. There are three in Mississippi: Gulfport, Hattiesburg, and Jackson. The Wall Street Journal recently ranked those areas to determine the hottest and coldest markets in the country.

The top markets were as varied and diverse as the country, though it certainly helps to be in the Southeast or the interior West.

Some may roll their eyes at three of the top seven small markets benefiting from today’s oil boom. Odessa, Texas, of Friday Night Lights fame, came in at number five with Lake Charles, Louisiana at number seven. And the number one small metro area? Midland, Texas. Midland has an unemployment rate of 2.3 percent, labor force participation rate of 77.1 percent, a 9 percent employment change, and a 7.4 percent labor force change. Barbers can even make $180,000 a year in the oil boom town. Certainty times are good.

But, the hottest markets extend far beyond oil. The top five markets also include locales such as Greeley, Colorado, Provo, Utah, and Columbus, Indiana. Other growing markets in the Southeast include College Station, Texas, Gainesville, Georgia, and Huntsville, Alabama.

We are in what may be the hottest job market of our lives. The economy has added jobs for 100 consecutive months (though the 20,000 jobs created in February came in low). Unemployment is at its lowest level in 49 years. Both low-skill and high-skill jobs are in-demand and, as a result, salaries are growing.

Yet that isn’t everywhere. Including a large segment of Mississippi.

Mississippi’s three metro areas are, unfortunately, more likely to be on the back half of this list.

Hattiesburg, home to the University of Southern Mississippi and William & Carey University, had the best showing at 154. The unemployment rate is 4.1 percent with a 59.8 percent labor force participation rate. The employment change is 1.5 percent and the labor force change is 0.9 percent.

The state’s capitol city wasn’t far behind at 173. The Jackson metropolitan area has an unemployment rate of 4 percent, with a 61.9 percent labor force participation rate. Employment grew by 1.3 percent and the labor force grew by 0.7 percent.

While Hattiesburg and Jackson were slightly better than stagnant, the Gulfport metro area fared much worse. Among the 324 metro areas, it came in at 282. The unemployment rate is around the state average at 4.8 percent, while the labor force participation rate is 54.1 percent. Employment grew by just 0.2 percent and the labor force contracted, decreasing by 0.4 percent. This made Gulfport one of 93 markets to see their labor force get smaller over the past year.

In Mississippi, growth is largely relegated to pockets, not metro areas.

Oxford and Lafayette county have a booming economy and a low unemployment rate thanks in large part to Ole Miss, but it generally doesn’t extend beyond the county line.

There’s a similar story in officially designated metro areas. In the three-country Hattiesburg metro area, Forrest county has an unemployment rate of 4.7 percent, which is in line with the state average. Lamar county, it’s western neighbor, has one of the lowest unemployment rates in the state at 3.9 percent. Meanwhile, Perry county, which is east of Hattiesburg, has a 6.5 percent unemployment rate.

In the Jackson metro area, unemployment rates range from 3.7 percent in Rankin county to 6.5 percent in Copiah county.

This, of course, isn’t that different than what much of the smaller markets in America are experiencing.

The Mississippi legislature wrapped up the 2019 session last week a few days early, but still managed to pass 366 out of the 2,876 bills that were introduced.

Some of the bills advanced the cause of economic freedom and personal liberty. Some didn’t.

Here’s everything of interest that was submitted this year, some that passed and others that died in the process:

Good bills that passed

House Bill 1205 will prohibit state agencies from requesting or releasing donor information on charitable groups organized under section 501 of federal tax law. The bill, sponsored by state Rep. Jerry Turner (R-Baldwyn), was amended in the Senate to include all organizations covered section 501 of federal tax law. The governor signed the bill on March 28.

HB 1352 is sponsored by state Rep. Jason White (R-West) and is known as the Criminal Justice Reform Act. The bill will clear obstacles for the formerly incarcerated to find work, prevents driver’s license suspensions for controlled substance violations and unpaid legal fees and fines and updates drug court laws to allow for additional types of what are known as problem solving courts.

The bill went to conference on March 27 and the two chambers voted to adopt the conference report the next day. The bill only awaits the governor’s signature to become law.

SB 2781, known as Mississippi Fresh Start Act, is sponsored by state Sen. John Polk (R-Hattiesburg). This bill will eliminate the practice of “good character” or “moral turpitude” clauses from occupational licensing regulations, which prohibit ex-felons from receiving an occupational license and starting a new post-incarceration career.

The bill died for a time in the Senate on March 28, when the first conference report was rejected by the Senate. However, a motion to reconsider kept the bill alive and it was recommitted for further conference. The resulting second compromise was accepted by both chambers on the session’s final day and now the bill awaits Bryant’s signature.

SB 2901, known as the Landowner Protection Act, will exempt property owners and their employees from civil liability if a third party injures someone else on their property.

The bill is sponsored by state Sen. Josh Harkins (R-Flowood). The versionsigned by the governor on March 29 allows civil litigation against property owners due to negligence based on the condition of the property or activities on the property where an injury took place. This was a major point of contention during debate over the bill.

HB 1613, also known as the Children’s Promise Act would allow an income tax for voluntary cash contributions by businesses to eligible charitable organizations that help children. The credit would increase the cap on individual tax credits from $1 million to $3 million.

The bill awaits the governor’s signature.

Senate Concurrent Resolution 596 makes Mississippi the 15th state to call for a Convention of the States authorized under Article V of the U.S. Constitution. The resolution was approved by the Senate and passed the House on March 27. Since it’s a resolution and not a bill, it doesn’t require the governor’s signature.

For a Convention of the States to occur, 34 state legislatures would have to pass similar resolutions.

The good bills that died too young

HB 1268 would’ve clarified state law regarding constitutional challenges to local ordinances. With local circuit courts acting as both the appellate body for appeals on specific decisions (such as bid disputes) and the court of original jurisdiction, there’s been confusion among judges regarding the law that governs challenges of local decisions, which are required within 10 days.

City and county attorneys have used this 10-day requirement on decisions to get new constitutional challenges — which are new lawsuits and not appeals — thrown out of circuit courts. This law would’ve added language that would prevent application of the 10-day requirement to constitutional challenges.

The bill was sponsored by state Rep. Dana Criswell (R-Southaven) and passed the House by a 116-2 margin. It was passed out of the Senate Judiciary A Committee, but never made it to the Senate floor for a vote and died on the calendar.

SB 2693 would’ve pre-empted local regulation of short-term vacation rentals, such as Airbnb, and was sponsored by state Sen. Angela Burks Hill (R-Picayune). It died in committee.

HB 85 would’ve required a warrant for law enforcement agencies to use cell site simulator devices except to prevent loss of life or injury. It was authored by state Rep. Steve Hopkins (R-Southaven) and died in committee without a vote for the third consecutive year.

SB 2675 would’ve reauthorized the Education Scholarship Account program until 2024 and was sponsored by retiring state Sen. Gray Tollison (R-Oxford). The bill passed the Senate on a party-line vote, but died in the House Education Committee on deadline without a vote.

Now the program will have to be reauthorized in the next session or face extinction as the authorizing law expires on July 1, 2020.

HB 702 would’ve allowed cottage food operators to increase their maximum sales to $35,000 and advertise their products on the web. It passed the House with ease, but died in the Senate without any committee consideration.

Direct wine sales– The Mississippi legislature still refuses to allow residents to buy wine at either a grocery store (allowed in most states such as neighbors Alabama and Louisiana) or receive direct shipments at home. With the death of SB 2183 and HB 708 early in the session, we’ll have to wait until 2020’s session to possibly get a change in this regulatory hurdle. Both died without committee consideration.

Charitable health care– One would think in a poor, rural state as short of physicians as Mississippi, legislators would want to allow out-of-state, licensed healthcare providers such as physicians, nurses, optometrists and dentists to practice for a non-profit in Mississippi on a charitable basis.

Nope. Both HB 1491 and SB 2248 died in committee without a peep thanks to the lobbying power of the state’s medical establishment.

No Tim Tebows in Mississippi– Another year and the legislature still won’t allow home-schooled students to participate in extracurricular activities, such as athletics, in their respective school districts. HB 118 and SB 2912 died without a committee vote.

Thankfully dead

HB 1104 would’ve reenacted the controversial practice of administrative forfeiture. Last year, the legislature allowed the expiration of the law that authorized administrative forfeiture — which gave law enforcement agencies the ability to seize property valued at less than $20,000 with only a notice to the property owner.

The bill died in committee when support waned among lawmakers for bringing back the practice.

SB 2542, authored by state Sen. Brice Wiggins (R-Pascagoula), would’ve appropriated $4,696,500 toward bringing Amtrak service to the Mississippi Gulf Coast that was ended when Hurricane Katrina made landfall in August 2005. The bill never made it out of committee.

HB 1573 and SB 2563 were cigarette tax increases which were sponsored by state Rep. Jeff Smith (R-Columbus) and state Sen. Wiggins respectively. HB 1573 would’ve increased the tax on a pack of cigarettes to $1.68, while SB 2563 would’ve hiked the per-pack levy to $2.18. Neither bill made it out of committee.

Ugly bills that passed

HB 1612 will authorize municipalities to create special improvement assessment districts that will be authorized to levy up to 6 mills of property tax (the amount per $1,000 of assessed value of the property) to fund parks, sidewalks, streets, planting, lighting, fountains, security enhancements and even private security services. The tax will require the approval of 60 percent of property owners in the district.

The bill is sponsored by state Rep. Mark Baker (R-Brandon). The Senate amended the bill so it only applies to Jackson (cities with a population of 150,000 or more) and Bryant signed the bill on March 29.

SB 2603 will reauthorize motion picture and television production incentives for non-resident employees that expired in 2017. The bill, as originally written, capped incentives to out-of-state production companies at $10 million. This was reduced in conference to $5 million and it was signed by the governor on March 28.

HB 1283 is better known as the “Mississippi School Safety Act of 2019.” Controversially, it will require school districts to develop and conduct an active shooter drill within the first 60 days of the start of each semester.

It would also establish a monitoring center connected with federal data systems with three regional analysts monitoring social media for threats.

The bill would also create a pilot program for six school districts with a curriculum for children in kindergarten through fifth grade with “skills for managing stress and anxiety.” The pilot plan would be federally funded.

The governor signed the bill on March 29.

House Bill 366 allowed the state’s rural, non-profit electric power associations to start broadband networks. The bill zipped through the legislative process with uncanny speed, going from the House Public Utilities Committee to governor’s signature in 16 days.

Since the EPAs will require some sort of capital — likely sourced through grants or loans from the federal government — to start up broadband networks, the bill went into effect after Bryant signed it on January 30.

There was also a failed bill that would’ve provided state taxpayer funds to help start up these service providers, which will have to be managed separately from the EPA’s electric services. With startup cash likely in short supply from the free market, expect the EPAs to descend on the state Capitol, hat in hand, next January asking for grants and loans to serve rural customers.

Officials at the University of Iowa have recently challenged a small group of Christians, students of the university, for supposedly threatening the university’s human rights policy.

The group, called Business Leaders in Christ, were accused of violating university policy by not allowing a gay student to serve as vice president of their group. Members of the group stated that allowing a gay student to serve as vice president of their group would conflict with their core beliefs – the belief that marriage is rightfully intended for one man and one woman. 

The court ruled in favor of Business Leaders in Christ and determined that the University of Iowa could not strip them of their rights.

This case demonstrated the sad reality of religious discrimination in America and specifically, religious discrimination on college campuses. Few of us have heard or seen any media coverage of this case. It brings to light the fact that religious discrimination, in America and on college campuses, extends far past what our mainstream media chooses to report.

The University of Iowa attempted to “de-recognize” a Christian group of students for pledging allegiance to their own faith and upholding their own ideals. The violation of rights and targeted discrimination in this act were significant. Yet coverage of the incident has been sparse.

We live in an age in which we worship at an altar of tolerance but the media remains markedly deaf to a case that involved acute intolerance and discrimination based upon one’s religious beliefs. Why? It is vital that we ponder the answer to this question.

Had this been a case of discrimination involving people and events serving the purposes of the left more adequately, would our newsfeed have provided us with more details? Had the rights of an openly Christian group not been upheld in a court of law, would we have heard more?

The lack of media coverage and the hypocritical nature of the discrimination are alarming. The officials who de-recognized the group claimed that they did so based the university’s human rights policy. Yet, where were the rights of the members of Business Leaders in Christ? Where were their natural rights to choose a leader who upheld the core tenants of their common faith?

Even as school officials claimed that the Christian group was practicing intolerance, the university simultaneously infringed on religious freedom and practiced their own brand of intolerance.

The implications of this incident are far-reaching. How we choose a college could be one implication. The way Christians are perceived by the world is yet another.

I am fortunate enough to pursue my chosen field of study at a Christian university. It is a university where I am free to express my faith in all areas of my life. Yet, one should not have to attend a Christian school, as a Christian, to obtain the rights of religious expression. The process of choosing a college should be largely based on how well a student thinks a particularly university can prepare a prospective student for entry into his or her chosen profession.

If the “everything is political” era now extends to college, however, it may become necessary for a Christian student to consider the factor of freedom of speech and religious expression when choosing a school.

The issue of religious discrimination on college campuses, safeguarded by the media’s neglect, seem to be deliberate and systematic. It is slowly teaching the world to be distrustful of Christian expression of faith. It consistently and quietly encourages and magnifies harmful stigmas and generalizations attached to Christianity.

For instance, during what little media coverage there was of this issue, reporters never mentioned if the gay student was denied participation in the group altogether or if the student was merely denied a leadership role.

The recent Iowa court case is just one example of countless others that highlight how Christians are discriminated against on college campuses. The examples are big and small – from paper grading scandals to Christian student group expulsion.

It is an emerging crisis of a violation of our rights as Americans and it is a crisis largely ignored by mainstream media.

Mississippi teachers make less than their counterparts nationally in the 50 states and the District of Columbia, but when Mississippi’s low cost of living is taken into account, the state’s rank jumps to 35th nationally.

The John Locke Foundation performed an analysis using data from the National Education Association and adjusting the salaries using cost of living indices from the Council for Community & Economic Research (C2ER).

The same process can be applied to salaries taking into account the new $1,500 raise passed by the legislature. Mississippi is still the nation’s lowest average salary ($47,074) when 3 percent salary increases are given to the other states.

The state’s average-paid teacher ($45,574) will receive a 3.29 percent bump from the pay hike, which will cost taxpayers more than $58 million annually.

With the data adjusted for the cost of living ($54,929 in Mississippi), the post-pay hike average teacher salary jumps to 34th, ahead of states such as New Hampshire, Montana, New Mexico and Virginia.

In the Southeast, the adjusted salaries rankings put Mississippi ahead of South Carolina ($52,802.71) and Florida ($50,401.26), but behind Georgia ($64,529.73), Tennessee ($59,514.44), Arkansas ($59,445.21), North Carolina ($59,142.82), Alabama ($58,474.08), and Louisiana ($56,037.06).

If Mississippi’s average teacher salary was increased to $50,132 (10 percent increase), the state’s ranking would increase to 17th nationally ($58,497 with cost of living adjustment) and it would be the second-highest among Southeastern states behind Georgia (ranked 9th with an adjusted annual salary of $62,650).

The average teacher salary nationally is $63,635.46 when adjusted for cost of living.

Mississippi has the lowest cost of living nationally, while Hawaii, District of Columbia, California, New York and Massachusetts are highest nationally, according to the C2ER.

The House and Senate approved the conference report on Senate Bill 2770 on Thursday. The raise started as $1,000 raise phased in over two years and was increased in conference. Attempts to recommit the bill by Democrats in both chambers failed on largely party-line votes.

Some have called the $1,500 raise a “betrayal,” a “joke” and a “slap in the face.”

This is the third teacher pay hike since 2000. The legislature passed a $337 million plan in 2000 that was phased in over six years.

In 2014, the legislature passed a two-year plan that increased teacher pay $1,500 in the first year and $1,000 in the second year, costing taxpayers an additional $100 million.

Teachers in Mississippi receive annual raises after their first three years on the job and also receive pay hikes for earning higher certifications. A teacher in the lowest certification level starts at $34,390, increasing to $39,108 for the highest certification level.

A teacher with 20 years of experience will earn $43,300, while the highest classification nets $53,400. This is before local supplements, which can be several thousand dollars more per year in certain school districts.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the average weekly salary in Mississippi is $752 or $39,104 annually.

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